Fundraising is a Selling Job. You must sell potential contributors on the idea of
contributing to your campaign. In politics there are two types of contributors. Those who are
ideologically aligned with you, and those who seek political access. Contributors to Libertarian
campaigns are primarily of the ideological group, since selling the idea that we will provide potential
contributors (or PACs) with access to the halls of power is not something that we generally have to offer,
and is potentially a violation of Libertarian ethics. Access to the candidate, however, can still be a
motivation, as people love to have a political candidate listen to their opinions and complaints.
Step One:
First we wrote the plan.
This is the political equivalent of a business plan. We detailed, in general terms (specifics remained
confidential, but were also in writing) who our targeted voters were, our plan to reach them, why we
thought they would respond to our message, what the costs were to accomplish the plan, and the time-frames for accomplishing it. This became the foundation of our fundraising game plan, as well as the
campaign plan itself.
Step Two:
At first it was just Jon and I. (Later there were others who volunteered to help with
this project.) We began the fundraising process by obtaining the Michigan Libertarian Party mailing list.
Then we called
them. We did not write them a fundraising letter. We called them, explained who Jon was, (outside of a
few party activists, no one really knew Jon) what he was running for, and the basics of the plan. Then we
asked them, not for money, but for an appointment to meet with Jon at their home. Closing with: Agree to
meet with Jon. Talk to him. Ask him questions, and if you like what you hear, consider supporting his
campaign. We got about a 40% yes to the meeting.
Then Jon would go to their house, and explain the plan, and pitch the pledge program. The vast
majority of people that he met with became financial supporters, campaign volunteers, or both. Some
folks were so dazzled receiving the phone call and the offer of a meeting they agreed to contribute
without a meeting. (Now that Jon has been identified as "Michigan's most prominent Libertarian" by the
media, people actually brag: "Jon Coon came to my house!") Those who volunteered as a result of the
meeting were invited to join the phone banking effort.
Some folks requested printed info when they received their phone calls, so we sent out a "basic
information packet" with a contribution form. Some gave as a result, but most times this was a simple a
way of getting us off the phone without saying "no." Some gave later. Some gave when they received the
follow-up phone call after we had sent the information.
Step Three:
Once Jon had some experience under his belt with this type of fundraising, we
organized public meetings. Some were organized by us, (these generally went
better) and some were organized by the affiliates.
The first was timed to coincide with the
"official" announcement of his candidacy. We rented the auditorium at a local community center, then
contacted a local talk-radio station, and spoke with the producer of a "semi-Libertarian" talk show host.
Explaining that we wanted to officially announce Jon's candidacy on his show, we booked the interview
for the day before the public meeting. Jon went on the air and as part of the interview, pitched the public
meeting. 150 people showed up at that meeting and committed to contributing over $8,000 via the pledge
program.
This continued as part of the plan, throughout the campaign: Organize a public meeting, get a radio
interview to promote it, and pitch the pledge program. Many of the people who came also "discovered"
and joined the LP.
The Pledge Program
A pledge program is generally a loser for "D's and R's" but can work really well for an LP
candidate. Why does it work for us and not for them? We believe that people commit to a pledge and then
bail out on it when the D's or R's do something that they don't like. Political pundits say that people won't
fulfill their pledges, yet we had a 90% fulfillment rate. Those who did bail on us had a good reason (laid
off, etc.) A few quit, however, over his stands on the issues.
During the events, or the home visits, Jon would ask people to join the pledge program.
Contributing, on a monthly basis, what ever they could afford, until the end of the campaign. He always
knew what the per-month number would be to take them to the maximum limit, and that was what he
asked for. We kept track of our pledges, sent them a monthly reminder/newsletter and gently called to
remind the ones who felt behind. The pledge base gave us a great budgeting/income tool.
Fundraising Chairman
Next to the Candidate and the Campaign Manager, the fundraising chair is the most important
position on the campaign. Seek out someone who sells for a living, i.e.: Insurance, cars, stocks etc. These
are folks who can take a "no" and not get discouraged. Our fundraising chair, an insurance salesman
named Al Garcia, raised thousands for us through a series of "breakfast meetings" with business people.
Many of the people he invited were his friends, but as this program progressed, other staffers and
volunteers thought of people that they knew that were appropriate invitees for these ongoing meetings.
This program absolutely requires a personal invitation from a supporter who will encourage the person to
attend the meeting.
Similar meetings that were promoted to the business community simply by mailing invitations were
a dismal failure. Al also raised close to $21,000 at our state party convention during a challenge from a
supporter who offered to give the maximum if 10 others would match it.
Meetings with other groups
Jon did many personal appearances with non-Libertarian groups. Optimists, Veterans, Bikers, Gun
Groups, United We Stand, virtually any group that wanted him, got him, and our supporters were actively
encouraged to ask their organizations to have him speak. We did not fundraise at these engagements.
Instead, Jon would ask them to sign the "clipboard that was being passed around" if they wanted more
information about him or the campaign. Then we would follow up with a thank-you-for-attending letter, a
lit piece and a request for funds. Time permitting, we would also make a phone call. Many of these folks,
particularly the bikers, vets and gun people, became contributors and volunteers.
Events
We also did a series of fundraising parties and events: Your basic dinner and speech with a pitch for
funds after. Some of the most successful were the "Wild Game" dinner and the
evening at the race track. The track event was titled, "Put Your Money On A Winner." We sold dinner
tickets, and set up a competition between the tables of attendees to see who could contribute the largest
portion of their track winnings back to the campaign.
The Brass Roots Rally
The gun issue was hot in '94, and we organized the largest pro-gun rally in 20 years, which was held
on the steps of the Capitol building in Lansing. (The extensive details of the organization of this event are
available, if desired).
Several times during the event, our volunteers passed through the crowd bearing five-gallon pails
collecting cash from the attendees. After they made a donation, they received an orange Jon Coon lapel
sticker, so that they would not get hit up again. (Although some gave every time the bucket came around!)
The Newsletter
Our supporters and contributors received a monthly update throughout the campaign. It contained
campaign news, a recap of media coverage, dumb things our opponents had done, upcoming events, etc.
And of course, there was always a strong pitch for funds and information about whatever project we had
going that required them to donate. It kept them feeling like they were part of what was happening, and
never, ever lost money. Usually it generated double what it cost to get out.
The Final Push
In the last few weeks of the campaign, we called all of our contributors again, requesting money for
advertising.
Summary
We asked, and asked, and then asked again for support. We asked in person, we asked on the phone,
we asked at events, we asked by mail, we asked in ads in the national LP News. We asked when we
thanked them for their last contribution. (A thank you is a must!)
A word of caution
Because our contributors are primarily ideological contributors, the majority of your funds are likely
to come in the last few months, as things heat up. Access contributors, like PACs and the politically savvy
major donors, give early. This can be challenging in the budgeting process for us, and is one of the major
advantages that the incumbents will have; particularly because the media tends to judge a campaign's
success by how much it has raised.
Finally, make certain that you have budgeted for the post-election expenses, because contributions
end on election day unless you are the winner.
